Monday, 18 January 2016

“Kugel” is South African for JAP- ... hey, did you know that?



Watch a scene from Clueless, featuring the American Kugel:

Did You Know That "Kugel" is South African for JAP?Behold the kugel: a calorie-packed classic Ashkenazi comfort food typically made from egg noodles or potato and baked till the top crisps golden brown. It may just be your bubbe’s signature dish. Perhaps you avoid it like the plague.

But at a South African tish, the word “kugel” has a very different meaning.

Since the 1970s, “kugel” has been slang for South African women with predilections for material goods and ostentatiousness. The word was originally used by an elder generation of South African Jews to describe Jewish women who eschewed traditional dress in favor of that of wealthy socialites.

The exact origins of the slang are uncertain, but given that kugel is home cooking disguised as a delicacy, it’s not too much of a leap.

With the Jewish population of South Africa at approximately 70,000, the South African version of “Jewish American Princess” is still in use.
According to Urban Dictionary, typical characteristics of kugels include: “very nasal accent, calling everyone ‘doll,’ intense Botox treatment,” and, of course, “driving fancy 4x4s but refusing to take them offroad.”

Kugal's only marry Bagels .... the South African version of the Jewish American Prince  but hey, I think Bagels also deserve a separate Blog
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Sunday, 17 January 2016

Jewish Hilltop Youth

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Israeli settlers from the Jewish settlement of Yitzhar throw stones during clashes with Palestinians from the village of Asira al-Qibiliya, south of the West Bank city of Nablus on May 19, 2012. (Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP/Getty Images)
To be a Hilltop Youth is to first disaffiliate with all establishments in Israel.Especially the settlements. These young Hasidic-looking men and women make their homes out of trucks, cars, trailers, caves—anything suitable for a makeshift shelter—atop the hills of Judea and Samaria. They see themselves as connected to the Land of Israel, not to any of the institutions of the Israeli state. The very violent group among them consists of no more than a few dozen core members and a few hundred more who support them in public demonstrations and on social media. Some in Israel refer to them in disgust and horror as “Jewish ISIS,” and while there’s a great distance between Al Baghdadi’s practice of beheading, burning alive, and massacring thousands of people and the violence of extreme members of Hilltop Youth, there is indeed a deep connection between the two phenomena.
ISIS is not just a state—it’s an idea, and a powerful one: throwing away modern norms and acting to revive the golden age of the Islamic Caliphate. And just like the Caliphate, the methods to achieve it are pre-modern: “Din Muhammad Bissayf,” the religion of Muhammad is [enforced, spread] by the sword. The success of such cruel methods within the blurry borders of Iraq and Syria has drawn young enthusiastic Muslims from around the world to Syria. Similarly, ideas of reviving the thousands-of-years-old Kingdom of Judea draw young enthusiastic men and women to the hilltops, where the leaders and idea-men of the Hilltop Youth promise their followers a sense of authenticity in a post-modern world. As with ISIS, this authenticity is predicated on destroying all institutions of the State of Israel, which is undeserving of recognition.
Hilltop Youth abandon the communities in which they were raised to live in trucks in uninhabited regions of the Judean Hills. In their nativist ideology, they are the real Jews upholding the “true” Jewish way, and they encourage each other to strive with violence and terror against non-Jews in order to retaliate against Arab terrorism and to establish a pure Jewish existence on the land of Israel. The State of Israel is evil, and the religious communities and ideologies that support it are misguided, they believe. Their nativism perceives the State of Israel and its supporters as “Erev Rav,” a Kabbalistic term that refers to people who look like Jews but have the souls of enemy gentiles.
***
The first inclination of many observers is to label young people who seek out nativist causes like ISIS or the Hilltop Youth as “crazy,” “lunatics,” or “hormone-laden kids.” But behind this perceived lunacy is a certain philosophy, or a general tendency, that we can trace back to leaders who either taught fundamentalist and nativist philosophies or whose teachings have been interpreted to support violence and terror.
One such leader purports to affiliate with the Chabad movement in Israel. His name is Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh, and many Hilltop Youth attended the yeshiva Od Yosef Chai where he serves as president in the settlement of Yitzhar, a community that is home to some of Israel’s most extremist settlers. Chabad scholars have long dismissed his teachings, considering them to be eccentric and at times even in direct contradiction to Chabad’s scholarly approach. In a famous lecture during his protest of Israel’s disengagement from Gaza and removal of the Gush Katif community on its banks, Rabbi Ginsburgh poetically interwove Chabad and Kabbalistic writings to promote the delegitimizing of the State institutions. Known as “The shell and the fruit,” Ginsburgh’s speech used mystical metaphors to encourage the destruction of “shells” around the Jewish people. The sages compared the people of Israel, said Rabbi Ginsburgh, to a nut, and the nut has three shells. The shells, according to him, are Zionism, the Israeli courts, and the government. Now, said Rabbi Ginsburgh, the time has come to break the shells, overthrow Zionism, disobey the courts, and oppose the government—every government—until a true Jewish regime is reborn.
Although now shunned by Rabbi Ginsburgh himself, his pupils started and continue to carry out “Price Tag” terrorism, or as they called it initially, “Mutual Responsibility,” or Arvut Hadadit in Hebrew. They burn Palestinian fields or mosques out of revenge for terror attacks, or just for spite. Outlaws attacked IDF vehicles to disrupt state-mandated evacuations of illegally built communities and to deter Israeli forces from policing Jewish terrorists on hilltops.
A few of them took it one step further. A key figure here is Meir Ettinger, a grandson of Rabbi Meir Kahane, who has been in administrative detention by the State of Israel for six months, and who is a disciple of Rabbi Ginsburgh. He was even once a member of Rabbi Ginsburgh’s “Derech Chayim” movement, but abandoned it for its non-violent approach and adopted the “rebellion manifesto,” which called for violent acts in order to shake the foundations of the State of Israel.
Another player in this scene is Rabbi Shmuel Tal, whose disciples are probably not in the core of the violent group, but who share the same hatred toward the State and its establishment. Rabbi Tal changed his view regarding the State of Israel during the disengagement from Gaza Strip, saying that it’s no longer a part of the Redemption process but it disrupts it. One of Rabbi Tal’s students published a manifesto after the alleged torture of suspects in the Duma murders, stating that the Shin Bet is doing this because it is afraid of these young men, who intend to establish what they see as a real Jewish state in place of the current corrupted one. Rabbi Tal himself, like Rabbi Ginsburgh, does not encourage violent acts and in fact preaches against them, focusing on building alternatives to the secular institutes of the state instead. Nevertheless, understanding these rabbis’ philosophy is crucial to understanding the few who do not follow their pragmatic non-violent line.
The main characteristics of these different perceptions of sovereignty are the same: longing to go “back to the roots” and resenting the current State of Israel. This view is also shared by many ultra-Orthodox, or Haredi, people in Israel, but with one crucial difference: Whereas the ultra-Orthodox do not believe that the Jewish people is in the middle of a positive ongoing process of geula (national redemption), the rabbis behind the Hilltop Youth do—and also believe, significantly, that it is a religious duty to “act with God” and help advance geula by earthly acts, not just by committing good deeds and waiting for the Messiah to come.
Combining the two ideas—that we should help the process of geula and that the State of Israel is not a part of that process, but rather an enemy—can be very volatile. The good news here is that unlike ISIS, we are dealing here with a very small group—not tens of thousands of enthusiasts, but a few activists and a few hundred supporters. But the main rabbinic authorities have no influence on them, since their theological understanding of the role of the Israeli State is so radically different. And as the history of ISIS shows, fevered doctrines that preach a literal return to an ancient and glorious past do not seem to strike their adherents as crazy.

Monday, 11 January 2016

the Roots of the Anti Israel Perspective



EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The reasons for the dislike of Israel are numerous and often reinforce each other. Christianity and Islam, the religions adhered to by most of the world, are critical of Judaism for its rejection of their terms for redemption, while Israel’s unique story of an ancient people returning to the homeland is not easily accepted. Part of the West and the Muslim world see the establishment of Israel through a colonialist prism, by which Western powers have planted a Jewish state in the Middle East to enhance their control of this region. Moreover, post-nationalist attitudes in the West are critical of Jewish nationalism. Furthermore, the radical Left, traditionally hostile to Zionism, has become more influential in many countries.  The Red-Green alliance, whose main glue is anti-Americanism, rightly perceives Israel as an US ally. In addition, the memory of the Holocaust for non-Jews is becoming more distant. Finally, animosity toward Israel is fueled by the activities of misguided Jews.

Israel is demonized and singled out by the media and international bodies. Israel is accused of excessive use of force, despite its great efforts to minimize collateral damage, while the massacres by the Assad regime or the heavy collateral damage resulting from Saudi attacks in Yemen are hardly mentioned. The EU decided to mark the products of the Israeli settlements beyond the “Green Line,” taking no similar action for the products in northern Cyprus (occupied by Turkey), or in Tibet (occupied by China), or in Western Sahara (occupied by Morocco). Israel, a democratic state, is accused of human rights violations, while the UN ignores the human rights violations of many of its members.

The reasons for the dislike of the Jewish state are numerous and often reinforce each other.

First, there is a theological base for hatred towards the Jews and Israel. For the two largest religions, Christianity and Islam, comprising roughly half of the world population, Jews are problematic. Theological considerations have produced centuries of anti-Semitism. While not all Christians and Muslims are anti-Semitic, their cultures are permeated with anti-Semitic motifs.

Deicide is a main motif in the Christian tradition. However, the obstinate Jews have consistently across time rejected the Christian conditions for redemption. Similarly, Islam was conscious of the Jewish rejection of the prophet Muhammad. While Jews, as people of the book, are not considered infidels, they are still relegated to dhimmitude – second class citizens.

We can detect attempts in Christianity to change internal attitudes towards the Jews. It remains to be seen how successful they are. In contrast, very few Muslim religious leaders have engaged in similar efforts. Furthermore, the rise of radical Islam is also hardening the attitudes towards Jews among Muslims and particularly Arabs.

Second, Israel’s unique story is not always easily accepted. Israel reflects an unprecedented journey of an ancient people in the diaspora back to their homeland.  After 2000 years the Jews returned to reestablish their state. The juxtaposition of Israel’s Zionist story against the Palestinians’ is not always convincing. Often Zionists have to explain that a large proportion of the Arabs in Palestine have arrived in the 19th century. In addition, most of the world does not remember that the Arabs in Palestine have rejected all compromise proposals, and that attempts at co-existence were countered by rampant violence. Justifying Israel’s story needs prior knowledge when many people do not pay attention to historical details. Zionism is very different from the annals of national movements elsewhere. Jews are nowadays involved in a tragic struggle with a population that is seen by many as oppressed natives.

Indeed, part of the West is displaying feelings of guilt for its colonial past, which is projected onto the Arab-Israeli conflict. The establishment of Israel is seen through a colonialist prism, according to which Western powers have implanted a Jewish state in the Middle East to enhance their control of this region. The Muslim world has largely embraced this outlook, which reinforces its religious hostility to the Jewish state. Israel is seen by the Arabs as a nation of modern crusaders that are doomed to disappear.

Third, we witness, particularly in the West, widespread post-nationalist attitudes that are critical of nationalist particularism. For example, young Europeans adopt transnational identities. They consider themselves Europeans rather than belonging to a particular nation. Such a new transnational identity is encouraged by the spread of the multi-cultural ethos. Multi-culturalism obfuscates particular national identities.

In contrast, Israel is a nationalist phenomenon, when in certain circles, particularly on the left, nationalism has become more suspicious. Nationalism is often equated with jingoism and narrow minded conservatives. Furthermore, some reduce Judaism to constitute a religious phenomenon only, denying the legitimacy of its nationalist manifestation.

Fourth, the radical left, that has traditionally been hostile to Zionism, has become in many countries more influential. Such a shift we see in the socialist parties of Europe. For example, the new Labour leader in the UK, Jeremy Corbyn, is far to the left and is of course anti-Israeli. President Barack Obama in the US is part of the left wing of the Democratic Party, which has been more critical of Israel’s policies than other elements in the American political spectrum.

Fifth, we witness the tightening of the Red-Green alliance. Its main glue is anti-Americanism. The Reds (Marxists and Communists) and the Greens (Islamacists) don’t like America for what it stands for, and as Israel is rightly perceived as a staunch US ally, they by extension don’t like Israel. The Red-Green alliance is nowadays a stronger political force, particularly in Europe, where increasingly larger Muslim minorities are located.

Sixth, the memory of the Holocaust for non-Jews is becoming more distant. The feelings of sympathy for Jewish suffering are weaker today and cannot overcome deeply rooted cultural anti-Jewish dispositions. Unfortunately, such feelings are sometimes replaced with pervert sympathy for the Palestinians who are portrayed as victims of Israeli Nazi-type behavior. Furthermore, the Palestinians have capitalized on this with systematic propaganda to cultivate their perceived (and cherished) victimhood status.

Seventh, part of the animosity toward Israel is the result of the activities of misguided Jews. Often, we hear critics of Israel saying: “I read this argument in Haaretz.” We have organizations such as “Jews for Justice in Palestine,” similarly to “Jews for Jesus.” In the US, the J-Street lobby joins in supporting anti-Israeli campaigns.

Unfortunately, we have to recognize that hatred of Israel is omnipresent just as hostility toward Jews has always been a widespread historic phenomenon. Israeli policies can hardly change this predicament. Whilst facing an uphill struggle, Israel’s public diplomacy should not desist from its efforts to portray Israel as a moral beacon in the Dark Age that has befallen the Middle East.






Saturday, 2 January 2016

Some of the Purest Rock Songs.

Did Led Zeppelin plagiarize "Stairway to Heaven"? A court will soon decide in a potentially damaging new case against one of the most definitive bands (and songs) in the history of rock and roll.
As reported by Billboard, U.S. District Court Judge Juan Sanchez denied the defense's motion to dismiss the claim yesterday. The case, brought by the heirs of the late Randy Craig Wolfe (a.k.a. Randy California), claims that Zeppelin guitarist Jimmy Page stole elements of "Stairway" from Wolfe's band Spirit, with whom Zeppelin toured in the late '60s.
"What happened to Randy California and Spirit is wrong," said the plaintiffs in their initial complaint. "Led Zeppelin needs to do the right thing and give credit where credit is due. Randy California deserves a writing credit for 'Stairway to Heaven' and to take his place as an author of rock's greatest song."
Rock's greatest song? Really?
Sure, it's up there, but greatest?
Such a claim can and will always be disputed. We found that out in the Esquire office today when we debated it for two hours. Any such claim to "greatest" is bound to be limited and contested by definition. But then we started making our own list, of not necessarily the "greatest" rock songs, but something else more gangly, sprawling, and awesome—of hits and deep cuts that we'll go ahead and call the 10 purest rock and roll songs of all time*. Or the purest to us, anyway. Pure is great, yes, but pure is also something more. Pure is hard-charging with forward momentum. Pure has chunky guitar hooks and ballsy bass lines. Pure is loud. Pure is something you can listen to a thousand times over and still want to listen to again. Pure is not of the moment, but of many moments. Pure, more than anything else, is timeless.
After much argument, here are the 10 purest rock songs ever:
(And tell us what you think are the purest and plain old greatest rock 'n' roll songs in the comments.)

10. Creedence Clearwater Revival, "Fortunate Son"

9. The White Stripes, "Ball and Biscuit"

8.Beastie Boys, "Sabotage"

7. The Rolling Stones, "(I Can't Get No) Satisfaction"

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6. Ozzy Osbourne, "Crazy Train"

5. T. Rex, "20th Century Boy"

4. Guns N' Roses, "Welcome to the Jungle"

3. The Beatles, "Helter Skelter"

2. Led Zeppelin, "Whole Lotta Love"

1. Jimi Hendrix, "Hey Joe"

Stream the list on Esquire Spotify:
*Yes, "Hey Joe" is a cover, and of course many of these rock tracks owe a lot to earlier musicians. For our purposes, "pure" rock does not necessarily mean the most original or the first version.